Independent Forest Monitoring in the Congo Basin

Taking Stock and Thinking Ahead

3. What Have Been the Main Challenges for Independent Forest Monitors in the Congo Basin?

Publication delays for mandated IFM organization mission reports due to political resistance

Governments rarely request the initiation or expansion of IFM activities. IFM is often an initiative of NGOs, civil society, and/or international donors, leading to some resistance to IFM by government agencies. Resistance materializes in different ways, such as regulations preventing IFM organizations from traveling to field sites or delays in authorizing forest visits. As mandated IFM organizations attempt to work more closely with the Ministry of Forests, resistance manifests in other ways, including protracted MoU negotiations and, once an MoU is signed, delays in organizing the reading committee meetings that are mandatory for approving IFM reports prior to publication.

FLAG analyzed the time spans between missions and report publication for a sample of 142 IFM mission reports produced between 2001 and 2020 that included both the date of the mission and the date of the report publication (Figure 11).

Figure 11 | Distribution of the Number of Published Reports by Time Span and Type of IFM Organization

Note: Abbreviation: IFM = independent forest monitoring.

Source: Based on raw data for years 2001–2020 from Global Witness, Resource Extraction Monitoring (REM), AGRECO, Forêts et Développement Rural (FODER), Cercle d’Appui à la Gestion Durable des Forêts (CAGDF), Observatoire de la Gouvernance Forestière (OGF), Centre pour l’Information Environnementale et le Développement Durable (CIEDD), Conservation Justice, and Brainforest, modified/aggregated by the Field Legality Advisory Group (FLAG).

According to this analysis, 66 percent of the reports produced by mandated IFM organizations were published no more than four months after the mission. However, for 24 percent of the reports, this time span expanded to six months or more due to a combination of factors: the time IFM organizations needed to analyze data and produce the report; and the time required for the approval process, which includes the Ministry of Forests for mandated IFM organizations. One factor delaying report publication is political resistance to IFM. External IFM organizations usually do not have mandatory reading committees that include the Ministry of Forests. As a result, they are less likely to suffer from political resistance delaying the publication of their mission reports. Indeed, FLAG found that 96 percent of external IFM organization reports were published within four months.

Another consequence of political resistance is the lack of political will to act on recommendations from IFM organizations.

Limited governmental uptake of IFM conclusions due to political resistance

For IFM activities to have impact, government agencies must address the issues that monitors identify. FLAG experts compiled all of the recommendations listed in the 469 IFM reports that they analyzed and grouped them into 11 categories following the methodology described in Section 2 (Figure 12). The grouping of recommendations into categories was based on observations described in the reports.

Figure 12 | Percentage of Recommendations by Category in the 469 Reports Analyzed by FLAG

Source: Based on raw data for years 2001–2020 from Global Witness, Resource Extraction Monitoring (REM), AGRECO, Forêts et Développement Rural (FODER), Cercle d’Appui à la Gestion Durable des Forêts (CAGDF), Observatoire de la Gouvernance Forestière (OGF), Centre pour l’Information Environnementale et le Développement Durable (CIEDD), Conservation Justice, and Brainforest, modified/aggregated by the Field Legality Advisory Group (FLAG).

Sixty-seven percent of recommendations written by IFM organizations in the reports analyzed by FLAG included recommendations for law enforcement actions and litigation management, which are both essential for efficient law enforcement. Existing literature confirms that improving practices on these two topics requires strong and sustained political will (EFI 2021; Mbzibain and Tchoudjen 2021; REM n.d.; REM 2012) and financial resources that governments often lack. IFM organizations have severely limited leverage to promote changes in these areas.

While the IFM reports analyzed by FLAG did mention actions taken by the government or logging companies in response to the recommendations, only 8 percent of the recommendations listed in the reports included a mention of this type of action. There are several reasons for this. This figure does not capture all the measures, either because measures were taken after the reports were published, or measures were not reported. However, this figure gives an indication of the limited uptake of IFM recommendations by government agencies between one to eight months following IFM missions.

In addition, when enforcement cases are open, the sanctions do not always reflect the severity of the infraction. In Gabon, Conservation Justice organized IFM missions during the ALEFI project and tracked the measures taken by government agencies afterwards. They tracked 25 arrests, including 15 that were directly initiated as a result of the project. Of the 25 arrests, 9 led to opening a case, resulting in mild sanctions compared with the damages caused and severity of the infractions (Infos Gabon 2019).

Conflict of interest that exacerbates political resistance

IFM organizations also track corruption, which can trigger resistance from corrupt individuals within governments. In several instances, IFM organizations complained that they were urged to keep reports confidential to protect their organizations and employees from retaliation measures, preventing them from effectively highlighting corruption in their respective countries.

Limited collaboration between Ministries of Forests and Ministries of Justice on forest infractions

In the Congo Basin countries, three major barriers undermine the ability of the judicial system to act on IFM findings. First, the forest laws of most Congo Basin countries do not provide mechanisms for referral or self-referral to the courts. Second, interactions between the Ministry of Forests and the Ministry of Justice are at times limited, preventing a meaningful exchange of information about cases. Without this, recommendations made by an IFM organization and/or the Ministry of Forests are unlikely to lead to any judicial action. In addition, few magistrates are familiar with the severity of forest crimes and their impact on biodiversity. Therefore, the Ministry of Justice has difficulty handling forest infractions and crimes with the attention they require. The third barrier is related to the way infractions are handled by the Ministry of Forests. Most infractions lead to a “transaction,” an option for the offender (the company or its representative) to agree to a contractual arrangement with the other parties instead of going to court (Nguiffo et al. 2021). A transaction prevents judges from getting involved in the process, therefore protecting the offender from severe sanctions, such as imprisonment, that can be decided only by a judge. The negotiations taking place during a transaction are not public and often let the offender get away with a negotiated amount that is not commensurate with the infraction.

Difficulties with accessing information

To monitor forest-related activities, IFM organizations need to access information from the Ministry of Forests or other government agencies (e.g., finance, customs, harbors), as well as documentation from logging companies. However, government agencies and logging companies have no incentive to share their documentation with IFM organizations. On the contrary, logging companies guilty of infractions have an incentive not to share their documentation to hide their wrongdoing. In addition, the information is not centralized. Key compliance documents are spread among the ministry, in the capital city, and local government agencies in different provinces and across company headquarters and field sites. Gathering relevant compliance documentation to monitor a given forest is a major challenge.

Developing and maintaining IFM credibility

When IFM organizations publish a report highlighting potential infractions and law enforcement issues, the logging companies and/or government agencies targeted are very likely to fight back, claiming the statements published are false. Therefore, IFM organizations cannot afford to be wrong. Their success in improving law enforcement and forest governance depends on their ability to consistently produce credible data (Mbzibain and Tchoudjen 2021). Any mistake or incorrect statement from IFM organizations can ruin years of effort to develop and maintain their credibility. Maintaining IFM credibility becomes even more challenging as more local CSOs with low capacity start developing IFM activities.

Lack of sustainable funding

As described in Section 1, IFM organizations are typically funded through short-term projects, thereby creating financial insecurity and undermining their ability to develop and implement long-term strategies and to ensure job stability for their employees. Operating capacity is also significantly affected as a great deal of time and energy is needed for fundraising efforts.

Lack of visibility to influence the market

Few importers are aware that IFM organizations produce reports that could help them mitigate their risk of buying illegal timber. Even when importers are aware of IFM reports, they generally prefer to rely on their own investigations and audits, and rarely review IFM observations prior to conducting field visits. Importers also report being uncertain about how to use IFM recommendations.16 They claim that IFM data are difficult to locate and use as they are complex, rarely available in English, lack standardization, and do not correspond to their specific needs. Importers also perceive that IFM organizations have the same agenda as environmental NGOs, and therefore lack objectivity (Pillet 2018). In addition, some importers view IFM data as lacking tangible evidence, such as official documentation.17

To address these challenges, IFM organizations, donors, and decision-makers in the Congo Basin and other regions can implement a variety of proposed solutions.

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